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DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20240405T110000
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20240405T130000
DTSTAMP:20240405T145931Z
CREATED:20231005T173610Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20240405T145931Z
UID:137302-1712314800-1712322000@linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:Colloquium Talk - Jeff Lidz
DESCRIPTION:Location – Haines Hall 220
URL:https://linguistics.ucla.edu/event/colloquium-talk-jeff-lidz/
CATEGORIES:Colloquium
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BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20240419T110000
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20240419T130000
DTSTAMP:20240417T180353Z
CREATED:20231005T173641Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20240417T180353Z
UID:137304-1713524400-1713531600@linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:Colloquium Talk - Edward Flemming - Generating and parsing f0 contours using a model of f0 production
DESCRIPTION:  \nI will present ongoing work aimed at developing a framework for formulating phonetic grammars of tone realization that can derive complete fundamental frequency (f0) contours from phonological specifications. \nThe proposed framework consists of two main components: A set of weighted constraints that select and locate optimal tone targets for a given phonological representation\, and a functional model of f0 production that maps time-aligned tone targets to f0 contours. These two components work in parallel: the constraints that determine tone targets evaluate properties of the resulting f0 contour. \nIn addition to generating f0 contours\, the model of f0 production can also be fitted to observed f0 contours to infer the underlying f0 targets\, effectively parsing the f0 contour. This proves particularly valuable when analyzing tones with targets that are difficult to locate because they correspond to a turning point in the f0 contour that is not a local maximum or minimum (often referred to as ‘elbow’ targets). \nThe framework will be illustrated through analyses of two tonal phenomena that involve elbow targets: (i) the timing of the L- phrase accent in English H*L- intonational melodies\, and (ii) realization of the Mandarin rising tone. \nLocation – Haines Hall 220
URL:https://linguistics.ucla.edu/event/colloquium-talk-edward-flemming/
CATEGORIES:Colloquium
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DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20240426T110000
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20240426T130000
DTSTAMP:20240417T180541Z
CREATED:20231005T173719Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20240417T180541Z
UID:137306-1714129200-1714136400@linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:Colloquium Talk - Ryan Bennett: Anticipatory nasalization in A’ingae
DESCRIPTION:  \nAnticipatory nasalization in A’ingae: Language-specific phonetics\, not incomplete neutralization (Joint work with Scott AnderBois\, Shen Aguinda\, and Hugo Lucitante) \n  \nCross-linguistically\, vowels often undergo contextual nasalization in [VN] and [NV] sequences. In English\, vowel nasalization in [VN] appears partial rather than categorical. Cohn (1990\, 1993) influentially argued that vowels in [VN] contexts in English are phonologically unspecified for nasality (= [ø nasal])\, and undergo gradient coarticulatory nasalization during phonetic implementation\, differentiating them from true [+nasal] vowels (as in e.g. French /Ṽ/). In contrast\, Solé (1992\, 1995) argued that contextual nasalization is so extensive\, controlled\, and systematic in English [VN] that these vowels should be treated as phonologically [+nasal]. Phonetic differences in the extent of nasalization in English [VN] vs. French /Ṽ/ could then reflect the distinction between derived (predictable) vs. underlying (contrastive) [+nasal] vowels — in other words\, incomplete neutralization. \n  \nIn this talk\, I approach this debate with nasal airflow data from A’ingae\, a language isolate spoken in the Ecuadorian and Columbian Amazon. A’ingae has a /V Ṽ/ contrast\, and a phonological process of left-to-right nasal spreading in /NV/ → [NṼ]. A’ingae also has extensive\, but nonetheless partial nasalization in [VN] and [VⁿD] sequences. Nasalization before [N\,ⁿD] is phonetically distinct from nasalization on contrastive /Ṽ/\, and on nasal vowels derived by left-to-right spreading. Consequently\, partial nasalization in [VN] and [VⁿD] cannot reflect a distinction between derived and underlying nasal vowels (= incomplete neutralization)\, because not all derived nasal vowels have the same phonetic profile. I also argue that nasalization in [VN] and [VⁿD] does not have the phonetic profile expected for phonological nasal spreading to sub-segmental units. The overall conclusion is that partial nasalization in [VN] and [VⁿD] sequences reflects underspecifed nasality [ø nasal] on vowels\, along with an articulated system of language-specific phonetic realization. \n  \nLocation: Haines Hall 220
URL:https://linguistics.ucla.edu/event/colloquium-talk-ryan-bennett/
CATEGORIES:Colloquium
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