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X-WR-CALDESC:Events for Department of Linguistics - UCLA
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DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20250407T160000
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20250407T180000
DTSTAMP:20250408T235352Z
CREATED:20250407T152556Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250408T235352Z
UID:666553-1744041600-1744048800@linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:Phonetics Seminar
DESCRIPTION:Nominating colloquium speakers
URL:https://linguistics.ucla.edu/event/phonetics-seminar/
LOCATION:Campbell Hall 2122A
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20250411T110000
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20250411T140000
DTSTAMP:20250402T183042Z
CREATED:20240815T163542Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250402T183042Z
UID:439913-1744369200-1744380000@linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:Colloquium Talk - Ginny Dawson
DESCRIPTION:Rethinking classifier languages\n\nClassifier languages have long been of interest to formal semanticists. That such languages do not allow nouns to be modified directly by numerals have lead researchers to propose a significant degree of cross-linguistic variation between classifier and non-classifier languages in either noun meaning (e.g. Chierchia 1998) or numeral meaning (e.g. Krifka 1989\, Bale & Coon 2014). Classifier languages\, on this view\, show fundamental semantic differences from non-classifier languages. In this talk\, I challenge this notion by examining the behavior of nouns and numerals in Tiwa\, a Tibeto-Burman language of India. I argue that despite having the properties of a typical classifier language\, nouns and numerals in Tiwa can and should be analyzed as having the same sorts of meanings as nouns and numerals in non-classifier languages like English. I argue that the differences between languages like Tiwa and English are largely morphosyntactic\, and that this morphosyntactic variation is expected given standard assumptions about the syntax and semantics of nouns\, numerals\, and number marking. Most centrally\, I argue that (sortal) classifiers in Tiwa are overt realizations of a morpheme that creates a predicate out of a degree-denoting numeral; a function which is often assumed to be a type-shift in languages like English (Bylinina & Nouwen 2020). What seem like major differences between the two languages\, then\, does not reflect fundamental semantic variation in noun or numeral meaning\, but is exactly the sort of morphosyntactic variation we expect to see. I conclude by looking at the typological picture more broadly\, examining the ways languages are predicted to differ based on the dimensions of variation I identify. \nLocation: Royce Hall 362
URL:https://linguistics.ucla.edu/event/colloquium-talk-ginny-dawson/
CATEGORIES:Colloquium
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20250414T160000
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20250414T180000
DTSTAMP:20250408T234823Z
CREATED:20250407T153046Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250408T234823Z
UID:666565-1744646400-1744653600@linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:Phonetics Seminar - Zenghui Liu
DESCRIPTION:Zenghui Liu \n“A cross-linguistic study on prosodic focus marking in Mon-Khmer languages”
URL:https://linguistics.ucla.edu/event/phonetics-seminar-zenghui-liu/
LOCATION:Campbell Hall 2122A
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20250418T090000
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20250418T110000
DTSTAMP:20250403T170135Z
CREATED:20250210T184717Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250403T170135Z
UID:662760-1744966800-1744974000@linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:Faculty Meeting
DESCRIPTION:
URL:https://linguistics.ucla.edu/event/faculty-meeting-110/
LOCATION:2122 Campbell Hall
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20250418T110000
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20250418T140000
DTSTAMP:20250410T173411Z
CREATED:20250408T174653Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250410T173411Z
UID:667659-1744974000-1744984800@linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:Colloquium Talk - Huilei Wang
DESCRIPTION:Asymmetries in (c)overt extraction from relative clauses and a linearization-based account\nQuantifiers usually give rise to scope ambiguity when two or more occur in the same clause: the surface scope is determined by the surface c-commanding relation between two quantificational phrases\, while the inverse scope arises from some scope-shifting mechanism which does not bring phonological effects. One of the widely assumed scope-shifting mechanisms is Quantifier Raising (May 1977)\, an optional application of a movement rule which reverses the surface c-commanding relation at LF but has no effect at PF (i.e. covert movement)\, but it also faces a challenge posed by the lack of a perfect parallelism between scope and overt extraction. In this talk\, I contribute to a better understanding of covert movement via investigating apparent asymmetries between (i) scope ambiguity and (ii) overt extraction across Mandarin RCs. I argue that QR from some Mandarin RCs to the edge of the containing DPs is possible\, while overt movement from Mandarin RCs into the matrix clause is not\, and develop an account for this claim\, based on a linearization principle from Fox and Pesetsky 2009 and insights from Sichel 2018 on exceptional extraction out of RCs cross-linguistically. I will also discuss the consequences of the adopted linearization principle on the nature of covert movement like QR and its distinction from overt ones. \nLocation: Royce Hall 362
URL:https://linguistics.ucla.edu/event/colloquium-talk-huilei-wang/
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20250421T160000
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20250421T180000
DTSTAMP:20250408T235320Z
CREATED:20250407T153516Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250408T235320Z
UID:666577-1745251200-1745258400@linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:Phonetics Seminar - Megha Sundara
DESCRIPTION:Megha Sundara \n“How do infants learn phonotactics?”
URL:https://linguistics.ucla.edu/event/phonetics-seminar-megha-sundara/
LOCATION:Campbell Hall 2122A
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20250425T110000
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20250425T140000
DTSTAMP:20250410T165813Z
CREATED:20240815T163518Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250410T165813Z
UID:439914-1745578800-1745589600@linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:Colloquium Talk - Tanya Bondarenko
DESCRIPTION:Lessons about clausal embedding from long-distance wh-dependencies  \nAbstract: In this talk I argue with the data from Georgian that syntax and semantics of long-distance wh-dependencies provide support for the view that many embedded clauses are adjuncts (syntactically) and modifiers (semantically) rather than arguments of verbs they combine with (Elliott 2017\, Bochnak & Hanink 2021\, Bondarenko 2022\, a.o.). Georgian is a language that has wh-movement within matrix clauses (Borise 2023)\, but lacks wh-movement out of embedded CPs (Harris 1981). I examine in detail both restrictions on wh-movement\, and alternative strategies of building long-distance wh-dependencies\, and argue that explanations for both need the assumption that embedded clauses at hand are not true arguments of the verb. \nFirst\, I argue that restrictions on wh-movement in Georgian are an instance of the Williams Cycle effect (Williams\, 2003\, 2011; Meadows 2023\, Poole 2023\, Egressy 2024\, a.o.): unlike in languages like English\, wh-movement in Georgian targets a syntactic projection lower than CP\, and this is why it cannot cross a CP boundary. I show that this constraint is part of a broader seize-locality generalization\, and propose that Meadows’ (2023) approach to Williams Cycle is best suited to account for it. An implication of this is that (most) embedded clauses have to be adjuncts: a crucial part of the proposal is that clausal embedding involves featurally free instances of external Merge. \nSecond\, I show that Georgian has three alternative strategies of building long-distance wh-dependencies (wh-scope marking\, prolepsis with a gap\, prolepsis with wh-doubling)\, and none of them involve cross-clausal movement (cf. Dayal 1994\, 2000\, a.o.). I make a proposal of how to build the meanings of these long-distance questions compositionally from clauses with regular wh-syntax. A crucial assumption of this proposal is that embedded clauses restrict the propositional content of the matrix eventuality\, implying that embedded clauses under consideration are modifiers of the verb. \n  \nLocation: Royce Hall 362
URL:https://linguistics.ucla.edu/event/colloquium-talk-tanya-bondarenko/
CATEGORIES:Colloquium
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20250428T160000
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20250428T180000
DTSTAMP:20250408T235014Z
CREATED:20250407T153629Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250408T235014Z
UID:666579-1745856000-1745863200@linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:Phonetics Seminar
DESCRIPTION:Review of ASA abstracts
URL:https://linguistics.ucla.edu/event/phonetics-seminar-3/
LOCATION:Campbell Hall 2122A
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20250430T120000
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20250430T133000
DTSTAMP:20250428T174517Z
CREATED:20250428T174517Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250428T174517Z
UID:686956-1746014400-1746019800@linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:Syn/Sem Talk - Ramiro Caso
DESCRIPTION:A talk by Ramiro Caso\, a philosopher/linguist visiting us from Buenos Aires. \nTowards a dynamic account of deontic modals \nI investigate the semantic and pragmatic behavior of deontic modals from a dynamic perspective. Pragmatically\, deontic modals exhibit complex anchoring patterns that depend both on whose information state and whose preference ordering are taken as relevant\, giving rise to distinct patterns of rejection and disagreement. Moreover\, the assertion of a bare deontic modal sentence carries a performative dimension: upon acceptance\, a new obligation or practical commitment is attributed to the relevant deliberative agent. In the domain of semantics\, reasoning involving defeasible obligations\, contrary-to-duty obligations\, and obligations under epistemic uncertainty\, display distinctive non-classical traits\, calling for a non-monotonic treatment of the entailment relation. I explore the extent to which these phenomena can be accounted for by modeling deontic modals as tests on information states.
URL:https://linguistics.ucla.edu/event/syn-sem-talk-ramiro-caso/
LOCATION:2122 Campbell Hall
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