More Saltations

A supplemental page for the article

Bruce Hayes and James White (2015) Saltation and the P-map.  Phonology 32:267-302.


Caution: these are just casual notes, meant for possible future follow-up. If you want to really know if these are saltations, or how they work, you'll have to do some research yourself.


Seediq 

Austronesian, Taiwan.
Source:  UCLA M.A. thesis by Jennifer Kuo

In final atonic position (stress is penultimate), /e/ regularly reduces to [u], although stressless [i] in word-final syllables is legal. The same is true of /eg/ --> u.

As in several examples in the Hayes/White paper, these saltations have a diachronic story to tell.

Apparently modern [e] descends from schwa. Schwa is no closer to [i] than it is to [u], so the ancestor stage was arguably non-saltatory. But later, schwa fronted to [e], creating the saltation.

For the second case: historical final /g/ lenited to [w], which then trigger monophthongization.


Child phonology

Source:  Stemberger, J.P. (1993). Rule ordering in child phonology. In M. Eid & G. Iverson (Eds.), Principles and prediction: The analysis of natural language (pp. 305-326). Amsterdam: John Benjamins

Final  /g/, /ng/ (angma) are realized as t, n.  The [t] is due to regular Final Devoicing.

But final  /k/ is realized faithfully as [k].  Hence /g/ saltates over /k/ to arrive as [t].

Obviously not diachrony; though in child phonology the existence of rampant near-neutralization makes any claim made without measurement vulnerable to doubt.


Catalan final devoicing + affrication

Just a note for now; needs to be checked against good sources like Mascarˇ and Wheeler. The voiced palato-alveolar fricative [ʒ] undergoes final devoicing plus affrication to [tʃ], even though final [ʃ], derived from /ʃ/  is well-formed. I got this from the problem set in Kenstowicz and Kisseberthĺs 1979 text, Generative Phonology:  Description and Theory.


Ilokano Reduplication

Source:  Bruce Hayes and May Abad (1989) "Reduplication and syllabification in Ilokano" (1989) Lingua 77, 331-374.

In reduplication, glides can reduplicate as long vowels to fill a heavy-syllable template, as in /RED-bwaja/ --> [bu:bwaja].  But simple long vowels cannot thus lengthen:  /RED-pusa/ --> [puspusa], not *[pu:pusa].

Like a number of the examples in the Hayes/White paper, this has a probable historical source:  [bwaja] used to be [buhaja], where the phonotactic impossibility of *[buh-buhaja] could have given rise to [bu:buhaja], just as in Modern Ilokano /RED-da?it/ becomes [da:da?it] (*[da?da?it]).  This is a workable scenario because onset clusters like [bw] did not occur in earlier Ilokano; they generally from historical sources like [buhaja].


Ewe Tone Raising

Source:  George N. Clements (1978) Tone and syntax in Ewe.  In Donna Jo Napoli (ed.) Elements of Tone, Stress, and Intonation. Washington, D.C.:  Georgetown University Press.

Tone sequences of the form H M H  (High - Mid - High) surface (non-finally) as R R R (R is "Raised", a super-high tone).  But we are given to believe that H H H is stable.


Spirantization in Kuot

An email kindly sent to me by Connor Mayer:

Hey Bruce,

I was looking at this language isolate Kuot spoken in Papua New Guinea for the Uyghur intonation project I'm working on ... and I noticed that it looks to have some saltation.

 

According to Wikipedia:

When vowel-initial suffixes are added to stems that end in voiceless consonants, those consonants become voiced. For example:

/obareit-oŋ/ [oba'reidoŋ] he splits it

/taɸ-o/ [ta'▀o] he drinks

/marik-oŋ/ [ma'rigo ŋ] he prays

The phoneme /p/ becomes [▀], not [b].

/sip-oŋ/ ['si▀ɔŋ] it comes out

/irap-a/ [i'ra▀a] her eyes

They also have intervocalic [b] (although there's no data showing stem-final /b/ in the Wikipedia article):

nebam-tuaŋ ľ my feather

It seems pretty similar to the Campidanian examples, but I didn't notice it in any of your or James White's stuff so I thought it might be another interesting case to add to the repertoire.